We have
demonstrated with documentary evidence a number of critical
associations between Wall Street international bankers and the rise
of Hitler and Naziism in Germany.
First: that
Wall Street financed the German cartels in the mid-1920s which in
turn proceeded to bring Hitler to power.
Second:
that the financing for Hitler and his S.S. street thugs came in part
from affiliates or subsidiaries of U.S. firms, including Henry Ford
in 1922, payments by I.G. Farben and General Electric in 1933,
followed by the Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T. subsidiary
payments to Heinrich Himmler up to 1944.
Third: that
U.S. multi-nationals under the control of Wall Street profited
handsomely from Hitler's military construction program in the 1930s
and at least until 1942.
Fourth:
that these same international bankers used political influence in
the U.S. to cover up their wartime collaboration and to do this
infiltrated the U.S. Control Commission for Germany.
Our
evidence for these four major assertions can be summarized as
follows:
In Chapter
One we presented evidence that the Dawes and Young Plans for German
reparations were formulated by Wall Streeters, temporarily wearing
the hats of statesmen, and these loans generated a rain of profits
for these international bankers. Owen Young of General Electric,
Hjalmar Schacht, A. Voegler, and others intimately connected with
Hitler's accession to power had earlier been the negotiators for the
U.S. and German sides, respectively. Three Wall Street houses
Dillon, Read; Harris, Forbes; and, National City Company handled
three-quarters of the reparations loans used to create the German
cartel system, including the dominant I.G. Farben and Vereinigte
Stahlwerke, which together produced 95 percent of the explosives for
the Nazi side in World War II.
The central
role of I.G. Farben in Hitler's coup d' ιtat was reviewed in
Chapter Two. The directors of American I.G. (Farben) were identified
as prominent American businessmen: Walter Teagle, a dose Roosevelt
associate and backer and an NRA administrator; banker Paul Warburg
(his brother Max Warburg was on the board of I.G. Farben in
Germany); and Edsel Ford. Farben contributed 400,000 RM directly to
Schacht and Hess for use in the crucial 1933 elections and Farben
was subsequently in the forefront of military development in Nazi
Germany.
A donation
of 60,000 RM was made to Hitler by German General Electric (A.E.G.),
which had four directors and a 25-30 percent interest held by the
U.S. General Electric parent company. This role was described in
Chapter Three, and we found that Gerard Swope, an originator of
Roosevelt's New Deal (its National Recovery Administration segment),
together with Owen Young of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and
Clark Minor of International General Electric, were the dominant
Wall Streeters in A.E.G. and the most significant single influence.
We also
found no evidence to indict the German electrical firm Siemens,
which was not under Wall Street control. In contrast, there
is documentary evidence that both A.E.G. and Osram, the other units
of the German electrical industry both of which had U.S.
participation and control did finance Hitler. In fact,
almost all directors of German General Electric were Hitler backers,
either directly through A.E.G. or indirectly through other German
firms, G.E. rounded out its Hitler support by technical cooperation
with Krupp, aimed at restricting U.S. development of tungsten
carbide, which worked to the detriment of the U.S. in World War II.
We concluded that A.E.G. plants in Germany managed, by a yet unknown
maneuver, to avoid bombing by the Allies.
An
examination of the role of Standard Oil of New Jersey (which was and
is controlled by the Rockefeller interests) was undertaken in
Chapter Four. Standard Oil apparently did not finance Hitler's
accession to power in 1933 (that part of the "myth of Sidney
Warburg" is not proven). On the other hand, payments were made up to
1944 by Standard Oil of New Jersey, to develop synthetic gasoline
for war purposes on behalf of the Nazis and, through its wholly
owned subsidiary, to Heinrich Himmler's S.S. Circle of Friends for
political purposes. Standard Oil's role was technical aid to Nazi
development of synthetic rubber and gasoline through a U.S. research
company under the management control of Standard Oil. The Ethyl
Gasoline Company, jointly owned by Standard Oil of New Jersey and
General Motors, was instrumental in supplying vital ethyl lead to
Nazi Germany over the written protests of the U.S. War Department
with the clear knowledge that the ethyl lead was for Nazi military
purposes.
In Chapter
Five we demonstrated that International Telephone and Telegraph
Company, one of the more notorious multi-nationals, worked both
sides of World War II through Baron Kurt von Schroder, of the
Schroder banking group. I.T.T. also held a 28-percent interest in
Focke-Wolfe aircraft, which manufactured excellent German fighter
planes. We also found that Texaco (Texas Oil Company) was involved
in Nazi endeavors through German attorney Westrick, but dropped its
chairman of the board Rieber when these endeavors were publicized.
Henry Ford
was an early (1922) Hitler backer and Edsel Ford continued the
family tradition in 1942 by encouraging French Ford to profit from
arming the German Wehrmacht, Subsequently, these Ford-produced
vehicles were used against American soldiers as they landed in
France in 1944. For his early recognition of, and timely assistance
to, the Nazis, Henry Ford received a Nazi medal in 1938. The records
of French Ford suggest Ford Motor received kid glove treatment from
the Nazis after 1940.
The
provable threads of Hitler financing are drawn together in Chapter
Seven and answer with precise names and figures the question, who
financed Adolf Hitler? This chapter indicts Wall Street and,
incidentally, no one else of consequence in the United States except
the Ford family. The Ford family is not normally associated with
Wall Street but is certainly a part of the "power elite."
In earlier
chapters we cited several Roosevelt associates, including Teagle of
Standard Oil, the Warburg family, and Gerard Swope. In Chapter Eight
the role of Putzi Hanfstaengl, another Roosevelt friend and a
participant in the Reichstag fire, is traced. The composition of the
Nazi inner circle during World War II, and the financial
contributions of Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T. subsidiaries,
are traced in Chapter Nine. Documentary proof of these monetary
contributions is presented. Kurt yon Schrader is identified as the
key intermediary in this S.S. "slush fund."
Finally, in
Chapter Ten we reviewed a book suppressed in 1934 and the "myth of
'Sidney Warburg.'" The suppressed book accused the Rockefellers, the
Warburgs, and the major oil companies of financing Hitler. While the
name "Sidney Warburg" was no doubt an invention, the extraordinary
fact remains that the argument in the suppressed "Sidney Warburg"
book is remarkably close to the evidence presented now. It also
remains a puzzle why James Paul Warburg, fifteen years later, would
want to attempt, in a rather transparently slipshod manner, to
refute the contents of the "Warburg" book, a book he claims not to
have seen. It is perhaps even more of a puzzle why Warburg would
choose Nazi von Papen's Memoirs as the vehicle to present his
refutation.
Finally, in
Chapter Eleven we examined the roles of the Morgan and Chase Banks
in World War II, specifically their collaboration with the Nazis in
France while a major war was raging.
In other
words, as in our two previous examinations of the links between New
York international bankers and major historical events, we find a
provable pattern of subsidy and political manipulation.
The
Pervasive Influence of International Bankers
Looking at
the broad array of facts presented in the three volumes of the Wall
Street series, we find persistent recurrence of the same names: Owen
Young, Gerard Swope, Hjalmar Schacht, Bernard Baruch, etc.;
the same international banks: J.P. Morgan, Guaranty Trust, Chase
Bank; and the same location in New York: usually 120 Broadway.
This group
of international bankers backed the Bolshevik Revolution and
subsequently profited from the establishment of a Soviet Russia.
This group backed Roosevelt and profited from New Deal socialism.
This group also backed Hitler and certainly profited from German
armament in the 1930s. When Big Business should have been running
its business operations at Ford Motor, Standard of New Jersey, and
so on, we find it actively and deeply involved in political
upheavals, war, and revolutions in three major countries.
The version
of history presented here is that the financial elite knowingly and
with premeditation assisted the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in
concert with German bankers. After profiting handsomely from the
German hyper-inflationary distress of 1923, and planning to place
the German reparations burden onto the backs of American investors,
Wall Street found it had brought about the 1929 financial crisis.
Two men
were then backed as leaders for major Western countries: Franklin D.
Roosevelt in the United States and Adolf Hitler in Germany. The
Roosevelt New Deal and Hitler's Four Year Plan had great
similarities. The Roosevelt and Hitler plans were plans for fascist
takeovers of their respective countries. While Roosevelt's NRA
failed, due to then-operating constitutional constraints, Hitler's
Plan succeeded.
Why did the
Wall Street elite, the international bankers, want Roosevelt and
Hitler in power? This is an aspect we have not explored. According
to the "myth of 'Sidney Warburg,'" Wall Street wanted a policy of
revenge; that is, it wanted war in Europe between France and
Germany. We know even from Establishment history that both Hitler
and Roosevelt acted out policies leading to war.
The
link-ups between persons and events in this three-book series would
require another book. But a single example will perhaps indicate the
remarkable concentration of power within a relatively few
organizations, and the use of this power.
On May 1st,
1918, when the Bolsheviks controlled only a small fraction of Russia
(and were to come near to losing even that fraction in the summer of
1918), the American League to Aid and Cooperate with Russia was
organized in Washington, D.C. to support the Bolsheviks. This was
not a "Hands off Russia" type of committee formed by the Communist
Party U.S.A. or its allies. It was a committee created by Wall
Street with George P. Whalen of Vacuum Oil Company as Treasurer
and Coffin and Oudin of General Electric, along with Thompson of the
Federal Reserve System, Willard of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad,
and assorted socialists.
When we
look at the rise of Hitler and Naziism we find Vacuum Oil and
General Electric well represented. Ambassador Dodd in Germany was
struck by the monetary and technical contribution by the
Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil Company in building up military
gasoline facilities for the Nazis. The Ambassador tried to warn
Roosevelt. Dodd believed, in his apparent naivetι of world affairs,
that Roosevelt would intervene, but Roosevelt himself was backed by
these same oil interests and Walter Teagle of Standard Oil of New
Jersey and the NRA was on the board of Roosevelt's Warm Springs
Foundation. So, in but one of many examples, we find the
Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil Company prominently assisting in
the creation of Bolshevik Russia, the military build-up of Nazi
Germany, and backing Roosevelt's New Deal.
Is the
United States Ruled by a Dictatorial Elite?
Within the
last decade or so, certainly since the 1960s, a steady flow of
literature has presented a thesis that the United States is ruled by
a self-perpetuating and unelected power elite. Even further, most of
these books aver that this elite controls, or at the least heavily
influences, all foreign and domestic policy decisions, and that no
idea becomes respectable or is published in the United States
without the tacit approval, or perhaps lack of disapproval, of this
elitist circle.
Obviously
the very flow of anti-establishment literature by itself testifies
that the United States cannot be wholly under the thumb of any
single group or elite. On the other hand, anti-establishment
literature is not fully recognized or reasonably discussed in
academic or media circles. More often than not it consists of a
limited edition, privately produced, almost hand-to-hand circulated.
There are some exceptions, true; but not enough to dispute
the observation that anti-establishment critics do not easily enter
normal information/distribution channels.
Whereas in
the early and mid-1960s, any concept of rule by a conspiratorial
elite, or indeed any kind of elite, was reason enough to dismiss the
proponent out of hand as a "nut case," the atmosphere for such
concepts has changed radically. The Watergate affair probably added
the final touches to a long-developing environment of skepticism and
doubt. We are almost at the point where anyone who accepts, for
example, the Warren Commission report, or believes that that the
decline and fall of Mr. Nixon did not have some conspiratorial
aspects, is suspect. In brief, no one any longer really believes the
Establishment information process. And there is a wide variety of
alternative presentations of events now available for the curious.
Several
hundred books, from the full range of the political and
philosophical spectrum, add bits and pieces of evidence, more
hypotheses, and more accusations. What was not too long ago a kooky
idea, talked about at midnight behind closed doors, in hushed and
almost conspiratorial whispers, is now openly debated not, to be
sure, in Establishment newspapers but certainly on non-network radio
talk shows, the underground press, and even from time to time in
books from respectable Establishment publishing houses.
So let us
ask the question again: Is there an unelected power elite behind the
U.S. Government?
A
substantive and often-cited source of information is Carroll
Quigley, Professor of International Relations at Georgetown
University, who in 1966 had published a monumental modern history
entitled Tragedy and Hope.1
Quigley's book is apart from others in this revisionist vein, by
virtue of the fact that it was based on a two-year study of the
internal documents of one of the power centers. Quigley traces the
history of the power elite:
... the
powers of financial capitalism had another far reaching aim,
nothing less than to create a world system of financial control
in private hands able to dominate the political system of each
country and the economy of the world as a whole.
Quigley
also demonstrates that the Council on Foreign Relations, the
National Planning Association, and other groups are "semi-secret"
policy-making bodies under the control of this power elite.
In the
following tabular presentation we have listed five such revisionist
books, including Quigley's. Their essential theses and compatibility
with the three volumes of the "Wall Street" series are summarized.
It is surprising that in the three major historical events noted,
Carroll Quigley is not at all consistent with the "Wall Street"
series evidence. Quigley goes a long way to provide evidence for the
existence of the power elite, but does not penetrate the
operations of the elite.
Possibly,
the papers used by Quigley had been vetted, and did not include
documentation on elitist manipulation of such events as the
Bolshevik Revolution, Hitler's accession to power, and the election
of Roosevelt in 1933. More likely, these political manipulations may
not be recorded at all in the files of the power groups. They may
have been unrecorded actions by a small ad hoc segment of the
elite. It is noteworthy that the documents used by this author came
from government sources, recording the day-to-day actions of
Trotsky, Lenin, Roosevelt, Hitler, J.P. Morgan and the various firms
and banks involved.
On the
other hand, such authors as Jules Archer, Gary Allen, Helen P.
Lasell, and William Domhoff, writing from widely different political
standpoints2 are consistent with
the "Wall Street" evidence. These writers present a hypothesis of a
power elite manipulating the U.S. Government. The "Wall Street"
series demonstrates how this hypothesized "power elite" has
manipulated specific historical events.
Obviously
any such exercise of unconstrained and supra-legal power is
unconstitutional, even though wrapped in the fabric of law-abiding
actions. We can therefore legitimately raise the question of the
existence of a subversive force operating to remove constitutionally
guaranteed rights.
The New York
Elite as a Subversive Force
Twentieth-century history, as recorded in Establishment textbooks
and journals, is inaccurate. It is a history which is based solely
upon those official documents which various Administrations have
seen fit to release for public consumption.
Table: IS
THE EVIDENCE IN THE "WALL STREET" SERIES CONSISTENT WITH RELATED
REVISIONIST ARGUMENTS PRESENTED ELSEWHERE?
|
IS
THE EVIDENCE IN THE "WALL STREET" SERIES CONSISTENT WITH
RELATED REVISIONIST ARGUMENTS PRESENTED ELSEWHERE? |
|
Author and Title: |
Essential Thesis: |
Is the Thesis
Consistent with:
(1) Wall Street and the Bolshevik
Revolution
|
(2) Wall Street
and FDR
|
(3) Wall Street and
the Rise
of Hitler |
|
Carroll QUIGLEY:
Tragedy and Hope (1) |
"Semi-secret" Eastern
Establishment and interlocks have dominant role in
planning and policy in U.S. |
Quigley does not include evidence of Wall Street in the
Bolshevik Revolution (pp. 385-9) |
No: Quigley's argument
is totally inconsistent with above (see p. 533) |
Quigley's account of
the rise of Hitler (pp. 529-33) does not include evidence
of Establishment involvement. |
|
Jules ARCHER: Plot
to Seize the White House (2) |
In 1933-4 there was a
Wall Street conspiracy to remove FDR and install a fascist
dictatorship in the United States. |
Not relevant, but Wall
Street elements cited by Archer were involved in the
Bolshevik Revolution. |
Yes: in general
Archer's evidence is consistent, except that the role of
FDR is interpreted differently. |
Those parts in Archer
bearing on Hitler and Naziism are consistent with the above. |
|
Gary ALLEN: None
Dare Call It Conspiracy (3) |
There exists a secret
conspiracy (the Council on Foreign Relations) to install a
dictatorship in the U.S. and ultimately to control the
world. |
Yes, except for minor
variances on financing. |
Not included in Allen
but is consistent. |
Not included in Allen
but is consistent. |
|
Helen P. LASELL:
Power Behind the Government Today (4) |
The Council on Foreign
Relations is a secret subversive organization dedicated to
the overthrow of Constitutional government in the U.S. |
Lasell's evidence is
consistent with above. |
Lasell's evidence is
consistent with above. |
Lasell's evidence is
consistent with above |
|
William DOMHOFF:
Who Rules America? (5) |
There is a "power
elite" which controls all major banks, corporations,
foundations, the executive branch, and the regulatory
agencies of the U.S. government. |
Above series extends
Dombolls argument to foreign policy. |
Above series extends
Domhoff's argument to Presidential elections. |
Above series extends
Domhoffs argument to foreign policy. |
|
1. New York: MacMillan,
1966. |
|
2. New York: Hawthorn,
1973. |
|
3. Seal Beach: Concord
Press, 1971. |
|
4. New York: Liberty,
1963. |
|
5. New Jersey:
Prentice Hall, 1967. |
But
an accurate history cannot be based on a selective release of
documentary archives. Accuracy requires access to all documents. In
practice, as previously classified documents in the U.S. State
Department files, the British Foreign Office, and the German Foreign
Ministry archives and other depositories are acquired, a new version
of history has emerged; the prevailing Establishment version is seen
to be, not only inaccurate, but designed to hide a pervasive fabric
of deceit and immoral conduct.
The center
of political power, as authorized by the U.S. Constitution, is with
an elected Congress and an elected President, working within the
framework and under the constraints of a Constitution, as
interpreted by an unbiased Supreme Court. We have in the past
assumed that political power is consequently carefully exercised
by the Executive and legislative branch, after due deliberation and
assessment of the wishes of the electorate. In fact, nothing could
be further from this assumption. The electorate has long suspected,
but now knows, that political promises are worth nothing. Lies are
the order of the day for policy implementors. Wars are started (and
stopped) with no shred of coherent explanation. Political words have
never matched political deeds. Why not? Apparently because the
center of political power has been elsewhere than with elected and
presumably responsive representatives in Washington, and this power
elite has its own objectives, which are inconsistent with those of
the public at large.
In this
three-volume series we have identified for three historical events
the seat of political power in the United States the power behind
the scenes, the hidden influence on Washington as that of the
financial establishment in New York: the private international
bankers, more specifically the financial houses of J.P. Morgan, the
Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank, and in earlier days
(before amalgamation of their Manhattan Bank with the former Chase
Bank), the Warburgs.
The United
States has, in spite of the Constitution and its supposed
constraints, become a quasi-totalitarian state. While we do not
(yet) have. the overt trappings of dictatorship, the concentration
camps and the knock on the door at midnight, we most certainly do
have threats and actions aimed at the survival of non-Establishment
critics, use of the Internal Revenue Service to bring dissidents in
line, and manipulation of the Constitution by a court system that is
politically subservient to the Establishment.
It is in
the pecuniary interests of the international bankers to centralize
political power and this centralization can best be achieved
within a collectivist society, such as socialist Russia, national
socialist Germany, or a Fabian socialist United States.
There can
be no full understanding and appreciation of twentieth-century
American politics and foreign policy without the realization that
this financial elite effectively monopolizes Washington policy.
In case
after case, newly released documentation implicates this elite and
confirms this hypothesis. The revisionist versions of the entry of
the United States into World Wars I and II, Korea, and Vietnam
reveal the influence and objectives of this elite.
For most of
the twentieth century the Federal Reserve System, particularly the
Federal Reserve Bank of New York (which is outside the control of
Congress, unaudited and uncontrolled, with the power to print money
and create credit at will), has exercised a virtual monopoly over
the direction of the American economy. In foreign affairs the
Council on Foreign Relations, superficially an innocent forum for
academics, businessmen, and politicians, contains within its shell,
perhaps unknown to many of its members, a power center that
unilaterally determines U.S. foreign policy. The major objective of
this submerged and obviously subversive foreign. policy is the
acquisition of markets and economic power (profits, if you
will), for a small group of giant multi-nationals under the virtual
control of a few banking investment houses and controlling families.
Through
foundations controlled by this elite, research by compliant and
spineless academics, "conservatives" as well as "liberals," has been
directed into channels useful for the objectives of the elite
essentially to maintain this subversive and unconstitutional power
apparatus.
Through
publishing houses controlled by this same financial elite unwelcome
books have been squashed and useful books promoted; fortunately
publishing has few barriers to entry and is almost atomistically
competitive. Through control of a dozen or so major newspapers, run
by editors who think alike, public information can be almost
orchestrated at will. Yesterday, the space program; today, an energy
crisis or a campaign for ecology; tomorrow, a war in the Middle East
or some other manufactured "crisis."
The total
result of this manipulation of society by the Establishment elite
has been four major wars in sixty years, a crippling national debt,
abandonment of the Constitution, suppression of freedom and
opportunity, and creation of a vast credibility gulf between the man
in the street and Washington, D.C. While the transparent device of
two major parties trumpeting artificial differences, circus-like
conventions, and the cliche of "bipartisan foreign policy" no longer
carries credibility, and the financial elite itself recognizes that
its policies lack public acceptance, it is obviously prepared to go
it alone without even nominal public support.
In brief,
we now have to consider and debate whether this New York-based
elitist Establishment is a subversive force operating with
deliberation and knowledge to suppress the Constitution and a free
society. That will be the task ahead in the next decade.
The Slowly Emerging
Revisionist Truth
The arena
for this debate and the basis for our charges of subversion is the
evidence provided by the revisionist historian. Slowly, over
decades, book by book, almost line by line, the truth of recent
history has emerged as documents are released, probed, analyzed, and
set within a more valid historical framework.
Let us
consider a few examples. American entry into World War II was
supposedly precipitated, according to the Establishment version, by
the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Revisionists have established
that Franklin D. Roosevelt and General Marshall knew of the
impending Japanese attack and did nothing to warn the Pearl Harbor
military authorities. The Establishment wanted war with Japan.
Subsequently, the Establishment made certain that Congressional
investigation of Pearl Harbor would fit the Roosevelt whitewash. In
the words of Percy Greaves, chief research expert for the Republican
minority on the Joint Congressional Committee investigating Pearl
Harbor:
The
complete facts will never be known. Most of the so-called
investigations have been attempts to suppress, mislead, or
confuse those who seek the truth. From the beginning to the end,
facts and files have been withheld so as to reveal only those
items of information which benefit the administration under
investigation. Those seeking the truth are told that other facts
or documents cannot be revealed because they are intermingled in
personal diaries, pertain to our relations with foreign
countries, or are sworn to contain no information of value.3
But this
was not the first attempt to bring the United States into war, or
the last. The Morgan interests, in concert with Winston Churchill,
tried to bring the U.S. into World War I as early as 1915 and
succeeded in doing so in 1917. Colin Thompson's Lusitania
implicates President Woodrow Wilson in the sinking of the
Lusitania a horror device to generate a public backlash to
draw the United States into war with Germany. Thompson demonstrates
that Woodrow Wilson knew four darts beforehand that the
Lusitania was carrying six-million rounds of ammunition plus
explosives, and therefore, "passengers who proposed to sail on that
vessel were sailing in violation of statute of this country."4
The British
Board of Inquiry under Lord Mersey was instructed by the
British Government "that it is considered politically expedient that
Captain Turner, the master of the Lusitania, be most
prominently blamed for the disaster."
In
retrospect, given Colin Thompson's evidence, the blame is more
fairly to be attributed to President Wilson, "Colonel" House, J.P.
Morgan, and Winston Churchill; this conspiratorial elite should have
been brought to trial for willful negligence, if not treason. It is
to Lord Mersey's eternal credit that after performing his "duty"
under instructions from His Majesty's government, and placing the
blame on Captain Turner, he resigned, rejected his fee, and from
that date on refused to handle British government commissions. To
his friends Lord Mersey would only say about the Lusitania
case that it was a "dirty business."
Then in
1933-4 came the attempt by the Morgan firm to install a fascist
dictatorship in the United States. In the words of Jules Archer, it
was planned to be a Fascist putsch to take over the
government and "run it under a dictator on behalf of
America's bankers and industrialists."5
Again, a single courageous individual emerged General Smedley
Darlington Butler, who blew the whistle on the Wall Street
conspiracy. And once again Congress stands out, particularly
Congressmen Dickstein and MacCormack, by its gutless refusal to do
no more than conduct a token whitewash investigation.
Since World
War II we have seen the Korean War and the Vietnamese War
meaningless, meandering no-win wars costly in dollars and lives,
with no other major purpose but to generate multibillion-dollar
armaments contracts. Certainly these wars were not fought to
restrain communism, because for fifty years the Establishment has
been nurturing and subsidizing the Soviet Union which supplied
armaments to the other sides in both wars Korea and Vietnam. So
our revisionist history will show that the United States directly or
indirectly armed both sides in at least Korea and Vietnam.
In the
assassination of President Kennedy, to take a domestic example, it
is difficult to find anyone who today accepts the findings of the
Warren Commission except perhaps the members of that Commission.
Yet key evidence is still hidden from public eyes for 50 to 75
years. The Watergate affair demonstrated even to the man in the
street that the White House can be a vicious nest of intrigue and
deception.
Of all
recent history the story of Operation Keelhaul6
is perhaps the most disgusting. Operation Keelhaul was the forced
repatriation of millions of Russians at the orders of President
(then General) Dwight D. Eisenhower, in direct violation of the
Geneva Convention of 1929 and the long-standing American tradition
of political refuge. Operation Keelhaul, which contravenes all our
ideas of elementary decency and individual freedom, was undertaken
at the direct orders of General Eisenhower and, we may now presume,
was a part of a long-range program of nurturing collectivism,
whether it be Soviet communism' Hitler's Naziism, or FDR's New Deal.
Yet until recent publication of documentary evidence by Julius
Epstein, anyone who dared to suggest Eisenhower would betray
millions of innocent individuals for political purposes was
viciously and mercilessly attacked.7
What this
revisionist history really teaches us is that our willingness as
individual citizens to surrender political power to an elite has
cost the world approximately two-hundred-million persons killed from
1820 to 1975. Add to that untold misery the concentration camps, the
political prisoners, the suppression and oppression of those who try
to bring the truth to light.
When will
it all stop? It will not stop until we act upon one simple axiom:
that the power system continues only so long as individuals
want it to continue, and it will continue only so long as
individuals try to get something for nothing. The day when a
majority of individuals declares or acts as if it wants nothing from
government, declares it will look after its own welfare and
interests, then on that day power elites are doomed. The
attraction to "go along" with power elites is the attraction
of something for nothing. That is the bait. The Establishment always
offers something for nothing; but the something is taken from
someone else, as taxes or plunder, and awarded elsewhere in exchange
for political support.
Periodic
crises and wars are used to whip up support for other plunder-reward
cycles which in effect tighten the noose around our individual
liberties. And of course we have hordes of academic sponges, amoral
businessmen, and just plain hangers-on, to act as non-productive
recipients for the plunder.
Stop the
circle of plunder and immoral reward and elitist structures
collapse. But not until a majority finds the moral courage and the
internal fortitude to reject the something-for-nothing con game and
replace it by voluntary associations, voluntary communes, or local
rule and decentralized societies, will the killing and the plunder
cease.
Footnotes:
1Carroll Quigley,
Tragedy and Hope, op. cit.
2There are many others; the author
selected more or less at random two conservatives (Allen and
Lasell) and two liberals (Archer and Domhoff),
3Percy L. Greaves, Jr., "The Pearl Harbor
Investigation," in Harry Elmer Harnes, Perpetual War for
Perpetual Peace, (Caldwell: Caxton Printers, 1953), p,
13-20.
4Colin Simpson, Lusitania,
(London: Longman, 1972), p, 252.
5Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the
White House, (New York: Hawthorn Book, 1973), p. 202.
6See Julius Epstein, Operation
Keelhaul, (Old Greenwich: Devin Adair, 1973).
7See for example Robert Welch, The
Politician, (Belmont, Mass.: Belmont Publishing Co., 1963).