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ADDICTED TO WAR -- WHY THE U.S. CAN'T KICK MILITARISM (UPDATED TO INCLUDE THE WAR IN IRAQ) -- TRANSCRIPT

As they watch missiles flying and the bombs dropping in the Middle East, top executives of the big weapons manufacturers are adding up their profits, their brains working like cash registers gone haywire.

ch-ching $$$$ ch-ching

For weapons makers, wars mean more orders -- not only from the Pentagon, but also from overseas.  After the first Gulf War demonstrated that their weapons can truly kill on a massive scale, foreign sales by U.S. weapons manufacturers skyrocketed. [99]

We've got a real deal on F-16s this week -- buy 100 and we'll throw in 1,000 cases of napalm free!

FREE NAPALM OFFER! We overstocked! Gulf tested! Gulf proven! Kill like you never have before! Our weapons kill: more, better, faster.

Who are the war profiteers?

Let's take a look at some of the men in Washington who are most gun ho about war ...

Dick Cheney:  Few politicians can match Dick Cheney's enthusiasm for war -- or his record of wanton destruction.  As George H.W. Bush's Secretary of Defense, he presided over wars against Panama and Iraq, and then as Vice President under George W. Bush, he led the war drives against Afghanistan and Iraq.

Between wars, Dick has turned his attention from destruction to construction -- that is post-war reconstruction.  In 1995, he was named CEO of Halliburton, the world's largest oil services company and a major military contractor.  After the first Gulf War, Halliburton was hired to help rebuild the Kuwaiti oil industry.  Then after the second Gulf War, the company was back to clean up the mess again -- for a healthy fee. [100]

You've gotta hand it to Dick.  He's got an innovative business strategy -- first bomb it, then clean it up, then bomb it again, then clean it up again!

Halliburton is raking in hundreds of millions of dollars for feeding and housing U.S. troops in Iraq and it got the biggest post-war reconstruction prize -- a secret no-bid contract to rebuild Iraqi oil facilities that will likely be worth billions. [101]

It's nice to have friends in Washington!

As Halliburton's CEO, Cheney was rewarded handsomely, pocketing millions in salary and stock options every year.  He ended up as Halliburton's largest individual stockholder, with a $45 million stake. [102]

Dick Cheney:  I earned every penny of it.

Cheney got draft deferments five times to avoid fighting in Vietnam.  But he's eager to send others to fight and die, and then reap the benefits.  He's served on the boards of several huge war contractors, and his wife -- Lynne -- joined the board of Lockheed Martin.  After Cheney returned to the White House in 2001, Lockheed got the biggest plum in Pentagon history -- a contract worth hundreds of billions to make the next generation of fighter jets.

Lynne and Dick Cheney:  We're just doing our patriotic duty! [103]

Richard Perle:  As head of the Pentagon's Defense Policy Board, Richard Perle was a chief architect of both the war on Iraq and Donald Rumsfeld's efforts to "revolutionize" military technology.  In 2001, Perle joined Henry Kissinger and other Washington insiders to form a company called Trireme Partners.  Trireme raises venture capital from wealthy individuals and invests it in weapons companies, betting on those it expects will get lucrative government contracts. [104]

Henry Kissinger:  Insider trading?  We prefer to call it guaranteed speculation!

Perle has also served as an advisor to the Israeli government.  Whether in Washington or Jerusalem, his advice is always the same ...

War is the answer!

Perle has particularly pushed for war against three countries he considers Israel's main enemies -- Iraq, Iran and Syria.

Richard Perle:  One down, two to go! [105]

Cheney, Perle and their friends go back and forth through a revolving door that connects jobs at the Pentagon, the White House, Congress and corporate military contractors.  Lots of money changes hands in Washington as weapons manufacturers make generous contributions to politicians and politicians hand out fat Pentagon contracts to weapons manufacturers.  This leads to all kinds of shady agreements and overpriced goods.

Here's to the Pentagon -- the only place you can sell a 13 cent bolt for $2,043! [106]

The "War on Terrorism" has led to a tremendous windfall for the military contractors.  The Army, Navy, and Air Force (and the contractors they represent) are lining up to get money for expensive new weapons systems, now packaged as indispensable for fighting terrorism.

We can't afford to be without it!  It's vital for homeland defense!  We have to close the window of vulnerability!

In fact, under the banner of funding the "War on Terrorism," Congress has abandoned efforts to avoid budget deficits.  Instead, every year it gives the Pentagon what amounts to a blank check.

For whatever it takes ...

PAY TO THE ORDER OF PENTAGON $________

__________________________________ DOLLARS

U.S. CONGRESS

After the end of the Cold War, many in Washington were reconsidering the humongous size of the military budget, which had converted the U.S. from the world's biggest lender into the world's biggest debtor.

Uncle Sam:  Bonds, anyone?  T-bills?

Military Budget:  Ouch!  That hurts!

In an effort to balance the federal budget, politicians were beginning to trim the Pentagon's toenails.

After September 11 all this changed.  Bush and the Congress started to pump up the Pentagon's bloated budget without restraint.

Even Congressional opposition to the far-fetched "missile defense program" collapsed.

Beep Beep

Missile defense, like the "War on Terrorism," promises to protect Americans from danger while actually creating a much more dangerous world.  If other countries think there is any chance the U.S. could block their missiles, they will feel vulnerable to U.S. attack.  China has already promised to build more and better missiles which could overwhelm the U.S. "missile shield."  This will spur a nuclear arms race in Asia.

If China builds more nuclear missiles, then India will.  If India does, then Pakistan will.  If Pakistan ...

In 1972, the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. signed the ABM Treaty to try to avoid this kind of arms race.  In order to pursue missile defense, the U.S. unilaterally scrapped the treaty.  But that didn't bother missile defense proponents.

Hey, the world's changed.  We can win an arms race with anyone!

In this spirit, Congress rejected the nuclear test ban treaty (which has been signed by 164 countries) and it continues to finance nuclear weapons research and production.  In fact, the Pentagon is eager to develop a new arsenal of small "battlefield" nuclear weapons. [108]

The U.S. is keeping enough nuclear firepower to wipe out most of humanity.

Just to be safe!

As potential nuclear targets in Russia have declined, the Pentagon has been retargeting its missiles at "every reasonable adversary."

Which makes other countries feel like they better hurry up and get nuclear weapons themselves. [109]

In the post-Cold War world order, the U.S. does not seem to want to be bound by any arms treaties.  It refuses to sign a new protocol to the 1972 biological weapons treaty because it would require international inspections of its biological weapons research facilities, where it is creating deadly jnew strains including highly lethal powdered anthrax.  U.S. officials say they are only creating germ weapons in order to study how to defend against them. [110]

Of course we would never use them ourselves!

But can other countries trust a government that bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki and actually developed plans to use smallpox and other biological weapons against Vietnam and Cuba? [111]

Would you?

And U.S. "weaponized germs" not only represent a threat to people in other countries.

What if some of the Pentagon's powdered anthrax got into the hands of some fanatic here in the United States?

During the Cold War, the Soviet Union was a serious military competitor for the United States.  Today, the U.S. maintains a huge war machine despite the lack of any serious competition.  The U.S. military budget is now larger than the next 25 biggest spenders put together!  It makes up a full 36% of total global military spending. [112]

United States: $399 billion

Annual Military Expenditures, The world's four biggest spenders:  Russia: $65 billion; China: $47 billion; Japan: $43 billion.

Being the world cop and all, we do have certain responsibilities!

Chapter 6:  The High Price of Militarism

Maintaining this huge military machine is not cheap. Every year the U.S. spends hundreds of billions of dollars on the military. [113]

$399,000,000,000 military budget 2004 fiscal year.

This figure does not include tens of billions spent on the military occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq.

2001: $308 billion; 2002: $351 billion; 2003: $396 billion; 2007: $470 billion (proposed)

Since 1948 the U.S. has spent more than $15 trillion to build up its military might. Just how much is $15,000,000,000,000 worth? [114]

Lemme see.

My God!

It adds up to more than the cumulative monetary value of all human-made wealth in the U.S.! [115]

In other words, the government has spent more on the military over the last four decades than the value of all the factories, machinery, roads, bridges, water and sewage systems, airports, railroads, power plants, office buildings, shopping centers, schools, hospitals, hotels, houses, etc., in this country put together!

Wow! Vote Duke. Buy Coke.  ConEd. Park $9. Texaco.  ConAgra.

If we add up the current Pentagon budget, the nuclear weapons budget of the Energy Department, the military portion of the NASA budget, foreign military aid, veterans' benefits, interest payments on debt incurred by past military spending and other military-related expenses, the U.S. spends over $776 billion a year to feed its addiction to war. [116]

That's more than a million dollars a minute!

This costs you plenty. An average American household "contributes" over $4,400 in taxes every year to the cause of building up the world's most powerful military. [117]

Now I know why we can't ever seem to make ends meet!

Mom -- could we get...

If you need anything else, just give a holler!

Because Congress is so generous to the Pentagon...

Social programs get short-changed.

That's all we can afford -- we can't bust the budget, you know.

Bridges, roads, sewers, and water systems are crumbling because the government fails to provide the money needed to maintain them. [118]

Bus fares are rising and service is being slashed as the Federal Government has eliminated financial support for mass transit operating costs. [119]

[RTD bus with signs on the side saying:] Be all you can be in the Army! [and] NOT IN SERVICE. [99]

Schools are run-down and over-crowded. In some inner-city high schools, 80% of the students drop out. More than a fifth of all adults can't read a job application or a street sign. Yet federal education funding per student has declined substantially over the last two decades. [120]

We believe in bake sale financing.

Skyrocketing prices are causing a crisis in health care. 43 million people have no insurance and millions more have inadequate insurance. More and more people don't get the medical care they need because they can't afford it. Yet public hospitals are being closed and the government has failed to enact any serious health care reform. [121]

EXIT. INSURED PATIENTS [thataway]; UNINSURED PATIENTS [thataway]. Reception. [Mom leading boy to exit:] Mom, it hurts!

One-fifth of all expectant mothers do not receive pre-natal care. This is one reason the U.S. has the highest infant mortality rate in the developed world (twice as high as Japan's). Every 50 minutes a child in the U.S. dies as a result of poverty or hunger. Yet Congress has been exceedingly stingy in funding maternal and child health programs. [122]

[Politician kissing baby:] I just love babies! Vote for Me!

[Baby:] Why don't you put your money where your mouth is, mister? Yuck!

With rents rising and wages falling, millions of families are living on the verge of eviction. Millions of people end up living on the streets. Yet when it comes to funding for housing and homelessness, most of Washington seems to have adopted Reagan's attitude. [123]

[Ronald Reagan:] Those people want to live on the streets!

Drug addiction and alcoholism are crippling millions of people, and devastating families and whole communities. Yet there are not enough public treatment centers to handle even a fraction of those seeking help, and many centers are closing their doors for lack of funding.

There's just no money!

Oh yeah?

Somehow you come up with billions of dollars a year to operate 12 aircraft carrier battle groups!

With the $1,000,000,000 it takes to maintain just one of those aircraft carriers for a year, you could build 17,000 homes for 67,000 people. [124]

... or you could provide free prenatal care for 1,600,000 expectant mothers, saving thousands of babies. [125]

... or enroll 384,000 more kids in the Head Start preschool program this year. [126]

... or provide intensive drug or alcohol treatment for 333,000 people. [127]

... or give 500,000 malnourished children in this country three meals a day for a year. [128]

... or you could put a down payment on a brand new aircraft carrier!

U.S.S. Ronald Reagan

Which is exactly what they are doing -- building a new aircraft carrier!

The government can find hundreds of billions for new aircraft carriers and other military hardware ...

But they say they can't find the money to deal with the pressing problems we face! [129]

The price of militarism includes more than high taxes and poor social services. Building nuclear weapons, for instance, has probably been the biggest environmental disaster this country has ever seen. More than 100 nuclear weapons plants owned by the Energy Department have been spewing radioactive waste into the air, dumping it in rivers, and leaking it into the soil and groundwater for decades.

All under the cover of government secrecy.

RESTRICTED AREA. NATIONAL SECURITY. KEEP YOUR NOSE OUT.

The administrators who run the nuclear weapons plants have knowingly subjected the people who work in them and the people who live near them to deadly radioactive contamination -- without telling them a word about it.

The government now estimates it will take 25,000 workers at least 30 years to clean up the mess at these plants -- at a cost of $300 billion or more. [130]

And guess who's paying the bill!

What's more, nuclear weapons tests have spread deadly plutonium across large tracts of the Southwest and the South Pacific. Many of the 458,000 U.S. soldiers who participated in the atomic testing program are now dying of cancer. [131]

Don't worry, kid. It's perfectly safe. Just wear these goggles!

?

But they're not the only ones. High cancer rates plague the general population in the testing areas. One study estimated that previous nuclear testing would eventually cause at least 430,000 people to die of cancer worldwide. [132]

And plutonium remains highly radioactive for hundreds of thousands of years.

Meanwhile, at military bases around the country they've been dumping hundreds of thousands of tons of toxic wastes, including chemical warfare agents, napalm, explosives, PCB's, and heavy metals, creating malignant lagoons and contaminating the groundwater of surrounding communities.

There are 11,000 military dump sites that need to be cleaned up. The estimated cost -- $100 to $200 billion. [133]

I say, let's fence 'em all off and call them national security sacrifice zones.

DANGER. KEEP OUT. TOXIC WASTE.

He's serious -- that's what some people are proposing.

Another cost of foreign wars is the retaliation they bring.

If we weren't always bombing other people, we wouldn't have to worry so much about people bombing us!

On the eve of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge admitted that the war would spur more terrorist attacks against the U.S. [134]

"I think we can anticipate ... more threats because of a potential invasion.  I mean it's fairly predictable." -- Rom Ridge, March 2003.

In other words, the Bush Administration knew that invading Iraq would bring retaliation, but it decided to go ahead and place us in greater danger anyway!

The "War on Terrorism" opened a new chapter in U.S. foreign wars, a chapter that may be marked by an endless cycle of violence.  Some in Washington seem to relish the prospect.  Emerging from his secret bunker several weeks after the September 11, 2001 attacks, Dick Cheney predicted that the "War on Terrorism" would go on for a long time. [135]

"It may never end.  At least not in our lifetime." -- Cheney, Oct. 2001.

As part of this endless war, he declared, we have to be prepared for ongoing terrorist attacks.

"For the first time in our history we will probably suffer more casualties here at home than will our troops overseas." -- Dick Cheney, October 2001. [136]

As a result, Cheney warned, we'll have to get used to invasive security measures. [137]

"We're going to have to take steps ... that'll become a permanent part of our way of life." -- Dick Cheney, October 2001.

Which brings us to another cost of militarism -- the loss of our civil liberties.

We never said this war was not going to have costs!

As the United States barricades itself against the world, we all suffer the inconveniences of increased security measures.  But some of these measures are not simply inconvenient -- they are dangerous.

FBI:  Grrr

"Homeland security" has become a slogan for eliminating civil rights protections long deemed inconvenient by the FBI and other police agencies.

Agencies that often give priority to suppressing political opponents.

In the name of "Homeland security" ...

You can now be jailed indefinitely without trial.

The police and the FBI -- and even the CIA -- can more easily spy on you, reading your mail and e-mail, listening in on your phone, and breaking into your home.

Thousands of immigrants have been called in for questioning simply because they came from predominantly Muslim countries. [138]

Many have been jailed for long periods on baseless suspicions.

Nearly everyone in this country pays a high price for militarism.  But those among us who have paid the highest price are the millions of soldiers who have been sent overseas to fight.

More than 100,000 U.S. soldiers and sailors have died in foreign wars since U.S. troops were sent to Korea in 1950. [139]

Hundreds of thousands more have been wounded, many disabled for life. Many Gulf War veterans are suffering the effects of "Gulf War Syndrome."

Those who survive continue to be haunted by the wars they fought in. Half a million veterans of the Vietnam War suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder -- caused by memories of the horrors of the war. The number of Vietnam vets who have killed themselves since the war is greater than the number of U.S. soldiers who died in the war. [140]

Hundreds of thousands of military veterans have ended up living on the streets. [141]

And the killing goes on, even between wars.

Every year, more than a thousand U.S. soldiers and sailors are killed in military accidents. They are burned to death in fires at sea, crushed by tanks, and blown up by practice artillery fire.

BOOM -- U.S. NAVY

They break their necks jumping out of planes in high wind, and crash in unsafe helicopters. [142]

?! -- SNAP

These are all victims of Washington's addiction to militarism. And there are more victims ...

Every year, hundreds of active-duty soldiers and sailors commit suicide.

Of course, nobody is born with a desire to be humiliated and treated like a "grunt," much less to be killed. So indoctrination into the culture of militarism starts early.

[Baby with gun:] Bang! Bang! You're dead!

Television, movies, video games, and toy stores all make killing seem not only glorious, but fun.

[Big guy on TV with big gun:] Eat lead, scumface!

[Boy watching TV:] Cool!

High school principals lock the doors and hire armed guards, supposedly to protect the kids from drug dealers, pimps, and other dangerous characters. But they roll out the red carpet for the most dangerous characters of all -- the military recruiters.

ARMY; NAVY; AIRFORCE; MARINES.

The recruiters, who are not quite as honest as used car salesmen, come armed with slick brochures and glossy promises.

Just sign here and you'll get money for college and we'll train you to be a nuclear physicist!

Cool!

By the time the recruits find out what military life is really all about, they're trapped.

I said lick it up -- you got that, wormhead!

The ones who end up on the front lines are usually kids who can't find a job or pay for college. Almost all of them are from working-class families, and a disproportionate number are African Americans, Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Native Americans, and other national minorities. As a result, it's mostly the poor who die on the battlefield.

That's why 22% of U.S. casualties in Vietnam were Black soldiers.

Even though Blacks only make up 12% of the U.S. population. [143]

The greatest injustice is that the people who start the wars are not the ones who fight and die.

[Rich nerd playing golf:] My daddy told me I could serve my country better by going to law school!

Maria Cotto spoke out against this injustice. Her brother was killed in the Persian Gulf War:

"I saw them on television saying they were spending billions on this. I saw them on Wall Street and they were cheering. It was sick, they were cheering like it was a game ..."

"Don't they know it means people will die? Not them. Not their families. Not their kids. People like my brother." [144]

Ismael Cotto, 27 years old, Bronx, New York. Killed in Saudi Arabia, Jan. 1991.

For some people war means handsome profits and overseas investment opportunities.

STOCK PRICES; DAILY NEWS; IT'S WAR!; U.S. WILL PREVAIL -- PRESIDENT

For others the price of war is high.

Mission accomplished!

Unfortunately, the costs of wars are paid by people who have little to do with starting them!

Chapter 7:  Militarism and the Media

So how come every time there's a war, so many people support it?

That's another good question.

Most Americans are not very eager to fight wars halfway around the world.

Here.

Uhh ... lemme think about it.

In order to win public support, pro-war politicians have always had to wrap foreign wars up in red, white and blue and tell Americans that it's their patriotic duty to support them.

[Girl holding a present wrapped up in red, white and blue:] ?--TIC TIC

Still, it would be hard to convince people without the help of the news media, especially the television networks.  When it comes to war, the networks discard all pretenses of objectivity.

[Four cheerleaders from ABC, FOX, NBC and CNN yell:] Bomb 'em back! Bomb 'em back! Waaaay back!

After the 1991 Gulf War, one of the Bush Administration's top war planners spoke to a group of prominent journalists and thanked them for their help. [145]

"[Television was] our chief tool in selling our policy." -- Richard Hass, National Security Council, 1991

It sure was.  We were treated to live 240hour war coverage, sponsored by Exxon and General Electric and cleared by the Pentagon.

Just how many lives can these new high-tech weapons save, Colonel?

When the Pentagon is preparing to invade a foreign country, the news media faithfully repeat the official justifications for war and paint monstrous pictures of the enemy of the hour.

Reliable sources reported that ____ [Fill in the blank] eats babies for dinner.

Lawrence Grossman, who was in charge of PBS and NBC News for many years, described the role of the press this way:  [146]

"The job of the President is to set the agenda and the job of the press is to follow the agenda that the leadership sets."

As a result, you get just about the same message no matter what channel you turn to.

ABC:  Our game plan is right on schedule ...

CNN:  Our game plan is right on schedule ...

EYE TV:  Our game plan is right on schedule ...

Why do all the networks sound the same? Why are they all consumed by war fever every time the White House decides to send troops overseas?

Maybe it's got something to do with who controls them.

The television news media are owned by some of the largest corporations in the country -- NBC is owned by GE, CBS by Viacom, ABC by Disney, Fox by Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation, and CNN by Time Warner. The members of the boards of directors of these corporations also sit on the boards of weapons manufacturers and other companies with vested interests around the world such as Boeing, Coca-Cola, Texaco, Chevron, EDS, Lucent, Daimler-Chrysler, Citigroup, Xerox, Philip Morris, Worldcom, JP Morgan Chase, Rockwell Automation, and Honeywell.

Our networks tell you everything you need to know.

XEROX; HONEYWELL; CHRYSLER; BOEING; ROCKWELL AUTOMATION

In fact, the corporations that control the television industry are fully integrated into the military-industrial complex.

For example, let's take a look at the media empire of one of America's premier military contractors -- General Electric.

GE has major investments around the world, which it expects the Pentagon to protect.  It is also a charger member of the military-industrial complex.

A member in good standing, I might add!

GE is the country's third largest military contractor, raking in billions of dollars every year.  It produces parts for every nuclear weapon in the U.S. arsenal, makes jet engines for military aircraft, and creates all kinds of profitable electronic gadgets for the Pentagon.  It's also the company that secretly released millions of curies of deadly radiation from the Hanford nuclear weapons facility in Washington state and produced faulty nuclear power plans that dot the U.S. countryside.

"We bring good things to life!" -- GE

Top executives at GE have long been aware that in order to keep billions of Pentagon dollars flowing into its coffers it was necessary to build public support for massive military spending.  In 1950, President Truman named Charles Wilson, GE's board chairman, to head the Office of Defense Mobilization.  In that capacity, Wilson told members of the Newspaper Publishers Association: [148]

"If the people were not convinced [that the Free World is in mortal danger] it would be impossible for Congress to vote the vast sums now being spent to avert this danger.  With the support of public opinion, as marshalled by the press, we are off to a good start.  It is our job -- yours and mine -- to keep our people convinced that the only way to keep disaster away from our shores is to build up America's might." -- Charles Wilson, 1950.

(Of course, Wilson and his buddies at GE expected to get their hands on a hefty chunk of those vast sums.)

Under Wilson, GE got into the media business itself to promote its pro-war message.  In 1954, it hired a floundering actor named Ronald Reagan to be its corporate spokesman.  GE furnished Reagan with an all-electric house and gave him his own TV show, which was called "GE Theater."

It also furnished Reagan with "The Speech," GE's political message for America, and sent him around the country to deliver it.  He continued to deliver variations of "The Speech" throughout his career.

Meanwhile, GE was busy buying up TV and radio stations across the country.

Then in 1986, GE bought its own TV network -- NBC. [150]

Good evening, I'm Tom Brokaw and this is the NBC Nightly News.

General Electric and the other huge corporations that own the news media are hardly unbiased sources of information.  Yet most of the news available to us -- about war and peace and everything else -- is filtered through their perspective.  This gives them a powerful influence on public opinion.

Everyone is rallying behind the President.

Hmmm ...

But their influence is not as complete as they might hope.

Chapter 8:  Resisting Militarism

In fact, there's been strong opposition to foreign military adventures since the Mexican-American and Spanish-American wars of the last century. The anti-war movement grew especially strong during the war to conquer the Philippines.

"I have seen that we do not intend to free but to subjugate the Philippines. And so I am an anti-imperialist. I am opposed to having the eagle put its talons on any other land ... I have a strong aversion to sending our bright boys out there to fight with a disgraced musket under a polluted flag." -- Mark Twain, Vice President, Anti-Imperialist League, 1900 [151]

Let's go back to Charles Wilson's era, when he and the media were mobilizing support for the Korean War. At first they were very successful. But despite their impressive efforts, the support didn't last long. After the body bags started coming home, the majority of people turned against the war.

[Mother:] I ant my son back home! Now.

The government and the media once again did their best to whip up support for the war in Vietnam. But as the war escalated, the greatest anti-war movement in U.S. history arose. At first, the opposition was small but determined.

[Anti-war demonstrators:] BRING OUR MEN HOME

But opposition grew by leaps and bounds as people began to learn what was going on in Vietnam. By 1969 there were 750,000 people marching on Washington, and millions more marching in cities across the country.

In May 1970, after police and National Guard troops fired on anti-war demonstrations, killing four students at Kent State in Ohio and two students at Jackson State in Mississippi, students at 400 universities across the country went on strike -- the first general student strike in U.S. History. [152]

When police shot and killed three people during the Chicano Moratorium against the war in August 1971, a rebellion raged through East Los Angeles for three days. [153]

Resistance to the war took many forms. People refused to pay war taxes.

People burned their draft cards.

Hell no, we won't go!

SELECTIVE SERVICE

The most famous draft resister was Muhammad Ali.

[Muhammad Ali says:] I won't serve in a white man's war!

People blocked the path of trains hauling troops and munitions bound for the war.

STOP THE WAR! STOP THE TRAIN.

14,000 people were arrested when they moved to shut down Washington, D.C. for three days in 1971.

It was the largest mass arrest in U.S. history! [154]

Even more serious for the Pentagon, discipline was breaking down among the troops in Vietnam. The soldiers saw no reason to fight, and they wouldn't. By the end of the '60s, a virtual civil war simmered between soldiers and officers. A U.S. military expert warned the Pentagon about the state of its army: [155] [156]

"[By] every conceivable indicator, our army that now remains in Vietnam is in a state approaching collapse, with individual units avoiding or having refused combat, murdering their officers and non-commissioned officers, drug-ridden and dispirited where not near mutinous." -- Col. Robert Heinl, U.S.M.C. retired, 1971.

Record numbers of soldiers and sailors deserted or went AWOL. Organized resistance was developing among the troops. Hundreds of underground G.I. newspapers were springing up at bases around the U.S. and around the world. Contingents of soldiers and sailors were marching at the head of anti-war demonstrations.

Soldiers coming home from Vietnam were telling the country about the horrors of the war and they were organizing to stop it. In April 1971, more than a thousand Vietnam veterans gathered at the Capitol Building in Washington and threw back the medals they had received in the war. [157]

By the end of the decade, the majority of the people were against the war.

The anti-war movement, together with the struggles waged by African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, and other oppressed peoples in the U.S., and the women's liberation movement were opening people's eyes to a whole system of injustice.

The growing opposition to the war played an important role in convincing the government that it had to pull out of Vietnam.

"The weakest chink in our armor is American public opinion. Our people won't stand firm in the face of heavy losses, and they can bring down the government." -- President Lyndon Johnson, 1968 [158]

As a result of the Vietnam War, a broad anti-militarist sentiment developed among the American people, which was derisively called the "Vietnam Syndrome" in official circles.

Don't talk about that dreadful disease!

Because U.S. leaders knew that Americans would not stand for large numbers of U.S. war casualties, they had to restrain their military impulse.  They kept on bombing other countries, but for almost two decades they did not send large numbers of U.S. soldiers to fight on foreign soil.

Until 1991 ...

Then when George H.W. Bush did send hundreds of thousands of U.S. troops to the Persian Gulf, people were very apprehensive. The majority did not want to go to war. A powerful anti-war movement grew more quickly than ever before in U.S. history.

Soon the streets were filled with demonstrations.

Immediately after the war began, hundreds of thousands of people marched in San Francisco and Washington, D.C.

George the Elder knew he had to finish the war quickly and with few U.S. casualties or the people would turn against it.  When Iraq chose to withdraw rather than fight and the war ended with a one-sided slaughter, Bush was euphoric.

"By God, we've kicked the Vietnam Syndrome once and for all!"

AMERICA IS NO. 1 -- AND DON'T YOU FORGET IT! [159]

After 9-11, George W. Bush set out to test his father's proposition.  He promised us a long and bloody "War on Terrorism." [160]

"So long as anybody's terrorizing established governments, there needs to be a war." -- George W. Bush, October 17, 2001

Americans were stunned by the horror of the September 11 attacks and Bush's bellicose words resonated among many. But others were not so easily led.

Thousands march to protest U.S. war plans for Afghanistan, Washington, D.C., Sept. 2001.

Then as Bush was gearing up to invade Iraq, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets across the country.  It soon became clear that the Vietnam Syndrome was alive and well -- a huge part of the population remained profoundly skeptical about foreign military adventures.

"EMPTY WARHEADS FOUND IN WASHINGTON" -- NO WAR IN IRAQ

Many of the country's largest labor unions and church federations resolved to oppose the war.  Over 150 cities, including New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Philadelphia, Detroit, San Francisco and Cleveland went on record opposing the war.

That never happened before -- not even in the 1960s!

Regime change begins at home!

The whole world was angry.  On February 15 and 16, 2003, millions of people in the U.S. and over sixty other countries participated in the largest international protest in history.

Montreal: 150,000; Toronto: 80,000; San Francisco: 100,000; Seattle: 50,000; Los Angeles: 50,000; Sao Paulo: 30,000; Antarctica: 50; Sydney: 250,000; Athens: 150,000; New York: 300,000; Madrid: 1,000,000; Barcelona: 1,000,000; London: 2,000,000; Paris: 200,000; Berlin: 500,000; Rome: 3,000,000; Tokyo: 25,000; Calcutta: 10,000; Damascus: 200,000; Cape Town: 20,000; Jakarta: 100,000.

The great majority of Americans were not at all eager to go to war.  Most people told pollsters they opposed invading Iraq if Bush could not win U.N. support or if a war would result in large numbers of casualties among U.S. troops or Iraqi civilians.  After Bush launched the invasion, however, the pro-war media blitz convinced many people that they shouldn't oppose the war because they might endanger U.S. soldiers. [161]

The media forgot to mention that it was Bush who put us in danger in the first place.

And that the best way to get us out of danger is to get us out of here!

There were a few pro-war rallies, but not many people showed up.

Turn Baghdad into a parking lot!

Operation Iraqi Liberation -- OIL

The war ended up polarizing the American population and isolating the United States internationally.  And the ugly reality of the American occupation of Iraq has further alienated people here and around the world.

George W. Bush:  Don't they know that God is on our side?

While the killing continues in Afghanistan and Iraq, Pentagon strategists are busy planning the next round of wars.

What if American casualties reach an unacceptable level, General?

Plan B is a preemptive tactical nuclear strike.

We seem to have reached a point at which war is constantly on the agenda in Washington. 

But next time they whip up war fever and ask you to put your life on the line -- whether as a soldier in a distant land or as a potential victim of attack at home -- ask yourself ...

What is this addiction to war doing to the people of the U.S. and the world?

How much does it cost?

MILLION $ A MINUTE

Who's going to profit?

WAR PROFITS

Who's going to pay?

And who's going to die?

Think about it. Do something about it.

Kick out the war junkies!

How can we do that?

That's up to us to figure out!

The Next Chapter:  Do Something About It!

Here are a few groups that are trying to figure that out ...

We've only been able to include in this list a small number of the many groups conducting anti-militarist education and organizing anti-war activities in the U.S. The movement is growing rapidly and is very diverse. Some of the most vibrant organizations are fledging, local groups that we were not able to include here.  More organizatins are listed on Frank Dorrel's website (www.addictedtowar.com). We encourage you to contact groups whose activities are most closely aligned with your own concerns, beliefs, and talents.

American Friends Service Committee
1501 Cherry Street, Philadelphia, PA 19102
Tel: 215-241-7000; Fax: 215-241-7177
Email: afscinfo@afsc.org
Website: www.afsc.org
Founded in 1917, AFSC is a Quaker organization that includes people of various faiths committed to humanitarian service. We believe in the worth of every person and have faith in the power of love to overcome violence and injustice. Programs in the U.S., Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East focus on issues related to economic and social justice, youth, peace-building and demilitarization.

Democracy Now! with Amy Goodman
87 Lafayette, New York, NY 10013
Tel: 212-431-9272
Email: mail@democracynow.org
Website:
www.democracynow.org
Democracy Now! is a national radio and TV show committed to bringing the voices of the marginalized to the airwaves to discuss global and local issues, including militarism. Democracy Now!  is broadcast on the Pacifica radio network (KPFA, 94.1 FM, Berkeley; KPFK, 90.7 FM, Los Angeles; KPFT, 90.1 FM, Houston; WBAI, 99.5 FM, New York; WPFW, 89.3 PM, Washington, DC) and on other community radio stations, Free Speech TV (Dish Network Channel 9415), and public access television stations.

G.I. Rights Hotline
Tel: 800-394-9544; 215-563-4620 (overseas calls)
Email: girights@objector.org
Website: www.girights.org
G.I. Rights Hotline provides information to members of the military about discharges, grievance and complaint procedures, and other civil rights.  It helops those who are AWOL/UA, victims of harassment and discrimination, and anyone who wants to get out of the military.

Central Committee of Conscientious Objectors
1515 Cherry Street, Philadelphia, PA 19102
Tel: 215-563-8787; Toll Free: 1-800-NOJROTC
G.I Rights Hotline: 1-800-394-9544
Website: www.objector.org
The CCCO promotes individual and collective resistance to war and preparations for war. Since 1948, we have been helping people to seek discharge from active military service on grounds of conscientious objection, and providing assistance to those faced with a military draft, enlistment obligations, and registration.

Global Peace Campaign
1047 Naka, Kamogawa, Chiba, Japan 296-0111
Tel: 81-470-97-1011; Fax: 81-470-97-1215
Email: yumik@fine.ocn.ne.jp
Website: www.peace2001.org
Founded after the September 11 attacks, GPC supports anti-war education in the United States and Japan. Among its projects have been anti-war billboards and peace ads in major newspapers.

Fellowship of Reconciliation
P.O. Box 271, Nyack, NY 10960
Tel: 845-358-4601; Fax: 845-358-4924
Email: info@forusa.org; Website:
www.forusa.org
FOR seeks to replace violence, war, racism, and economic injustice with nonviolence, peace, and justice. We are an interfaith organization committed to active nonviolence as a transforming way of life and as a means of radical change. We educate, train, build coalitions, and engage in nonviolent, compassionate actions.

Center on Conscience & War
1830 Connecticut Avenue, NW
Washington, D.C. 20009
Tel: 202-483-2220; Fax: 202-483-1246
Email: nisbco@nisbco.org
Website: www.nisbco.org
Formed in 1940 by religious organizations, CCW defends the rights of conscientious objectors, opposes conscription, and helps those in the military seeking discharge and those facing a crisis of conscience because of draft registration.  Services are provided at no charge to all -- U.S. Citizens, documented and undocumented immigrants, and citizens in other countries.

Global Exchange
2017 Mission Street #303
San Francisco, CA 94110
Tel: 415-255-7296; Fax: 415-255-7498
Website: www.globalexchange.org
Global Exchange is a not-for-profit international human rights organization. Through diverse programs including reality tours to dozens of countries, fair trade stores, corporate accountability campaigns, anti-war work, green economy promotion, we seek to accelerate the paradigm shift from money values and violence to life values and nonviolence.

Peace Action
1819 H. Street NW, Suite #420 and #425,
Washington, DC 20006
Phone: 202-862-9740; Fax: 202-862-9762
Website: www.peace-action.org
PA (formerly SANE/Freeze) works to achieve the abolition of nuclear weapons, develop a peace-oriented economy, and end the international weapons trade. We promote non-military solutions to international conflicts.

International Action Center
39 W. 14th St. # 206, New York, NY 10011
Tel: 212-633-6646; Fax: 212-633-2889
Emai1: iacenter@iacenter.org
Website: www.iacenter.org
Founded by former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, the IAC provides information and organizes resistance to U.S. militarism, war, and corporate greed, linking these issues with struggles against domestic racism and oppression.

Military Families Speak Out
P.O. Box 549, Jamaica Plain, MA 02130
Tel: 617-522-9323; Email: mfso@mfso.org
Website: www.mfso.org
Also see:  www.bringthemhomenow.org
MFSO is made up of people opposed to war in Iraq who have relatives or loved ones in the military.  Starting with 2 families in Nov. 2002, we grew to include over 1,000 families within a year.  Together with several veterans groups, we founded the "Bring Them Home NOW! Campaign."

War Resisters League
339 Lafayette Street
New York, NY 10012
Tel: 212-228-0450; Email: wrl@warresisters.org
Website: www. warresisters.org
WRL is a pacifist organization founded in 1923. We believe in using nonviolence to remove all the causes of war. We produce educational resources (including The Nonviolent Activist magazine), work in coalition with other peace groups, and provide training in civil disobedience, war tax resistance, and other acts of putting conscience into action.

School of the Americas Watch
PO Box 4566, Washington DC 20017
Tel: 202-234-3440; Fax: 202-636-4505
Website: www.soaw.org
SOAW works in solidarity with the people of Latin America to change oppressive U.S. foreign policies. In particular, we work to close the School of the Americas/Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, where the Pentagon trains Latin American military officers in methods of repression and torture.

Office of the Americas
8124 W. 3rd Street, Suite 202
Los Angeles, CA 90048-4309
Phone: 323-852-9808; Email: ooa@igc.org
Website: www.officeoftheamericas.org
OOA is a non-profit corporation dedicated to furthering the cause of justice and peace through broad-based education including delegations, participation in television, radio, and print media, and presentations to university and high school classes and civic and religious organizations.

Teaching for Change
PO Box 73038; Washington, DC 20056
Toll Free: 1-800-763-9131
Tel: 202-588-7204; Fax: 202-238-0109
Email: tfe@teachingforchange.org
Website: www.teachingforchange.org
TFC promotes social and economic justice through public education. We provide vital services and resources in the DC Metro area and nationally for K-12 teachers, parents and teacher educators, through our catalog, training and other support.

True Majority
PO Box 1976, Old Chelsea Station,
New York, NY 10113-1976
Tel: 212-243-3416
Website: www.truemajority.com
TM , led by Ben Cohen (founder of Ben and Jerry's), monitors Congress on issues of social justice and environmental issues.  When your voice needs to be heard, you get an e-mail alert; by clicking reply you send a fax to your congressperson.  We seek to ease the nuclear nightmare, renounce the militarization of space, and make globalization work for, not against, working people.

Voices in the Wilderness
1460 West Carmen Ave.
Chicago, IL 60640
Tel: 773-784-8065
Website: www.nonviolence.org/vitw
VITW is an American and British campaign that stands in solidarity with the iraqi people.  Between 1996 and 2003, more than fifty delegations traveled to Iraq to challenge the sanctions.  Members of the Iraq Peace Team, a group of nonviolent activists,  have been on the ground in Iraq throughout the US/UK invasion and occupation.

Not in Our Name
Tel: 212-969-8058
Email: info@notinourname.net
Website: www.notinourname.net
NION is a creative coalition of anti-war activists that has grown into one of the most formidable resistance efforts since the Vietnam War. The NION Pledge of Resistance was created to inspire protest and show solidarity with the people of nations harmed by U.S. militarism.

Witness for Peace
707 8th St., SE Suite 100
Washington, DC 20003
Tel: 202-547-6112; Fax: 202-547-6103
Website: www.witnessforpeace.org
WFP is a grassroots organization that works for peace, justice, and sustainable economies in Latin America and the Caribbean by changing U.S. policies and corporate practices that contribute to poverty and oppression.  Our programs include Individual Witness, Speaking Tours, Delegations, and Call-A-Week.

Veterans for Peace
438 N. Skinker
St. Louis, MO. 63130
Tel: 314-725-6005; Email: vfp@igc.org
Website: www. veteransforpeace.org
VFP is an organization of men and women who served in the military and are now working to abolish war.  We educate our fellow citizens about the true costs of militarism, work to change our nation's priorities, and conduct projects to heal the wounds of war.

Women's International League for Peace and Freedom
1213 Race Street, Philadelphia, PA 19107
Tel: 215-563-7110; Fax: 215-563-5527
Email: wilpf@wilpf.org
Website: www. wilpf.org
WILPF works through peaceful means to achieve world disarmament, full rights for women, racial and economic justice, and an end to all forms of violence. We seek to establish political, social, and psychological conditions that can assure peace, freedom, and justice for all.

Reference Notes

I. For updated information on the U.S. military budget, see the Center for Defense Information website (www.cdi.org).  Discretionary spending is money that must be specifically appropriated by Congress every year, as opposed to mandatory budget items, such as social security benefits and interest payments on the national debt.
2. Giles cited in Howard Zinn, A People's History of the United States (New York: Harper-Collins, 1980), p. 153.
3. Zinn, pp. 125-146; Dee Brown, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971).
4. Black Elk cited in Brown, p. 419.
5. Zinn, pp. 147-166.
6. Den by cited in David Healy, U.S. Expansionism: The Imperialist Urge in the 1890s (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin, 1970), pp. 122-123.
7. Platt cited in Healy, p. 173.
8. Roosevelt cited in Zinn, p. 290.
9. Zinn, pp. 290-305; Beveridge cited in Zinn, p. 306.
10. Beveridge cited in Healy, p. 174.
11. Beveridge cited in Rubin Westin, Racism in U. S. Imperialism (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina, 1972), p. 46.
12. Zinn, pp. 305-313; Michael Parenti, The Sword and the Dollar (New York: St. Martins Press, 1989), pp. 42-43.
13. Zinn, pp. 290-305.
14. Hawaii: Joseph Gerson, "The Sun Never Sets," in Joseph Gerson, ed., The Sun Never Sets --  Confronting the Network of Foreign U.S. Military Bases (Boston: South End Press, 1991), pp. 6,10; Panama: T. Harry Williams, et al., A History of the United States [Since 1865], 2nd edition (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965), pp. 372-373.
15. David Cooney, A Chronology of the U.S. Navy: 1775-1965 (New York: Franklin Watts, 1965), pp. 181-257.
16. Catherine Sunshine, The Caribbean: Struggle, Survival and Sovereignty (Boston: South End Press, 1985), p. 32.
17. George Black, The Good Neighbor (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), pp. 31-58; Sunshine, pp. 28-34.
18. Taft cited in William Appleman Williams, Americans in a Changing World: A History of the U.S. in a Changing World (New York: Harper and Row, 1978), pp. 123-124.
19. Newspaper report cited in Westin, p. 226.
20. Sunshine, p. 83.
21. This and subsequent passages are from Smedley Butler, "War Is a Racket," (New York:  Round Table Press, 1935); reproduced at: www.veteransforpeace.org/war_is_a_racket_033103.htm.
22. Page cited in William Foster, Outline Political History of the Americas (New York: International Publishers, 1951 ), p. 362.
23. Foster, p. 360.
24. CFR/State Department policy statement cited in Lawrence Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and US. Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review, 1977), p. 130.
25. CFR memorandum cited in Shoup and Minter, p. 170.
26. Hiroshima-Nagasaki: A Pictorial Record of the Atomic Destruction (Tokyo: Hiroshima-Nagasaki Publishing Committee, 1978), p. 17.
27. Truman cited in Paul Boyer, By the Bombs Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age (New York: Pantheon, 1985)
28. The bombing was also intended to preempt Soviet involvement in the war against Japan: Zinn, pp. 413-415.
29. Welch cited in Victor Perlo, Militarism and Industry: Arms Profiteering in the Missile Age (New York: International Publishers, 1963 ), p. 144.
30. Gerson, p. 12.
31. Korea International War Crimes Tribunal, "Report on U.S. Crimes in Korea: 1945-2001," (Washington, D.C.: Korea Truth Commission Task Force, 2001), p. xi; Encyclopedia Britannica, 1967 ed., V. 13, p. 475; Selected Manpower Statistics, Fiscal Year 1984 (Washington D.C.: Dept. of Defense, 1985 ), p. 111.
32. Sunshine, p. 142; Black, p. 118.
33. Noam Chomsky, "Patterns of Intervention," in Joseph Gerson, ed., The Deadly Connection: Nuclear l11ar and U.S. Intervention (Philadelphia: New Society, 1986), p. 66; Zinn, p. 469; Sean Murphy et al, No Fire, No Thunder: The Threat of Chemical and Biological Weapons (New York: Monthly Review, 1984), pp. 22- 24, 64, 78-79; Parenti, p. 44; Selected Manpower Statistics; Marilyn Young, The Vietnam Wars: 1945-1990 (New York: Harper-Collins, 1991).
34. Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation: Lebanon at War (Oxford University Press, 1992); Sandra Mackey, Lebanon: Death of a Nation (New York: Congdon & Weed, 1989).
35. Black, p. 156.
36. Schultz cited in Black, p. 156.
37. Noam Chomsky, The Culture of Terrorism (Boston: South End Press, 1988), p. 29; Associated Press "Libyan Court Wants Americans Arrested for 1986 Bombing," March 22, 1999.
38. Noam Chomsky, Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel & The Palestinians ( Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1999).
39. William Blum, Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1995).
40. Jack Nelson-Pallmeyer, School of Assassins (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1999).
41. Charles Bergquist, et al., Violence in Columbia: The Contemporary Crisis in Historical Perspective (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1992); W.M. Leo Grande and K. Sharpe, "A Plan, But No Clear Objective," Washington Post, April 1, 2001; Mark Cook, "Colombia, the Politics of Escalation," Covert Action Quarterly, Fall/Winter 1999.
42. Peter Wyden, Bay of Pigs: The Untold Story (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979).
43. Richard Leonard, South Africa at War: White Power and the Crisis in Southern Africa (Westport, CT: Lawrence Hill, 1983); Richard Bloomfield, ed., Regional Conflict and U.S. Policy: Angola and Mozambique (Algonac, MI: Reference Publications, 1988); Alex Vines, RENAMO: Terrorism and Mozambique (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991); Joseph Hanlon and James Currey, Mozambique: Who Calls the Shots? (London: Zed, 1991).
44. Regan cited in Black, p. 170.
45. John K. Cooley, Unholy Wars: Afghanistan, America and International Terrorism (London: Pluto Press, 2000).
46. Chalmers Johnson, "American Militarism and Blowback," in Carl Boggs, ed., Masters of War: Militarism and Blowback in the Era of American Empire (New York: Routledge, 2003), pp. 113-115.
47. National Security Council documenbt cited in New York times, Feb. 23, 1991.
48. Doug Ireland, "Press clips," Village Voice, Nov. 13, 1990.
49. Tim Wheeler, "Reagan, Noriega and citicorp," People's Daily World, Feb. 25, 1988.
50. Kenneth Sharpe and Joseph Treaster, "Cocaine is Again Surging Out of Panama," New York Times, Aug. 13, 1991.
51. tom Wicker, "What Price Panama?," New York Times, June 15, 1990; Nathaniel Sheppard, Jr., "Year Later Panama Still; Aches," Chicago Tribune, Dec. 16, 1990, p. 1; Associated Press, "Ex-Senator Says U.S. Massacred Panamanians" Chicago Tribune, Nov. 15, 1990.
52. Daniel Yergin, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money and Power (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991), pp. 200-203; Michel Moushabeck, "Iraq: Years of turbulence," in Phyllis Bennis and Michel Moushabeck eds., Beyond the Storm: A Gulf Crisis Reader (New York: Olive Branch Press, 1991), pp. 26-28.
53. State Department statement cited in Joseph Gersen, et al., "The U.S. in the Middle East," in Gersen, ed., Deadly Connection, p. 167.
54. Michael Tanzer, The Energy Crisis: World Struggle for Power and Wealth (New York: Monthly Review, 1974).
55. The Ba'ath Party was soon thrown out of the government, but came back to power in a 1968 coup that was also aided by the CIA (Roger Morris, "A Tyrant 40 Years in the Making," New York Times, March 14, 2003; Moushabeck, pp. 29-30).
56. Kissinger cited in Hans von Sponek and Denis Halliday, "The Hostage Nation," The Guardian, Nov. 29, 2001.
57. Alan Friedman, Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq (New York: Bantam Books, 1993); Clyde Farnsworth, "Military Exports to Iraq Under Scrutiny, Congressional Aides Say," New York Times, June 24, 1991; Michael Klare, "Behind Desert Storm: The New Military Paradigm," Technology Review, May-June 1991, p. 36; Philip Shenon, "Iraq Links Germs for Weapons to U.S. and France," New York Times, March 16, 2003.
58. Christopher Dickey and Evan Thomas, "How Saddam Happened," Newsweek,l Sept. 23, 2002; Elaine Sciolino, "Iraq Chemical Arms Condemned, But West Once Looked the Other Way," New York Times, Felbruary 13, 2003.
59. Philip Green "Who Really Shot Down Flight 655?" The Nation, Aug. 13-20, 1988, pp. 125-126.
60. Bush cited in Yergin, p. 773.
61. Hitchins; Bush cited in Newsweek, Jan. 7,. 1991, p. 19.
62. Michael Klare, "High Death Weapons of the gulf War," The Nation, June 3, 1991; Malcolm Browne, "Allies Are Said to Choose Napalm for Strikes on Iraqi Fortifications," New York times, Feb. 23, 1991; John Donnelly, "Iraqi cancers offer clues to Gulf War Syndrome: Uranium residue a prime suspect," Miami Herald, April 6, 1998.
63. Bush cited in Mitchel Cohen, "'What We Say Goes!': How Bush Senior Sold the Bombing of Iraq," Counterpunch, Dec. 28, 2002.
64. Middle East Watch, Needless Deaths in the Gulf War: Civilian Casualties During the Air Campaign and Violations of the Laws of War (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1991); Mark Fireman, "Eyewitnesses Report Misery, Devastation in the cities of Iraq," Seattle Times, Feb. 5, 1991); George Esper, "500 Die in Bombed Shelter in Baghdad," Chicago Sun Times, Feb. 13, 1991; David Evans, "Study: Hyperwar Devastated Iraq," Chicago Tribune, May 29, 1991.
65. "War Summary: Closing the Gate," New York Times, Feb. 28, 1991; Associated Press, "Army Tanks Buried Iraqi Soldiers Alive," Greeley Tribune, Sept. 12, 1991.
66. Bush cited in Robert Borosage, "How Bush kept the guns from turning into butter," Rolling Stone, Feb. 21, 1991, p. 20.
67. Ramsey Clark, The Fire This Time: U.S. War Crimes in the Gulf (New York: International Action Center, 2002), pp. 64-44, 209; Thomas Nagy, "The Secret Behind the Sanctions: How the U.S. Intentionally Destroyed Iraq's Water Supply," The Progressive, Sept. 2001.
68. John Pilger, "Collateral Damage," in Anthony Arnove, ed., Iraq Under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2000), pp. 59-66.
69. Noam Chomsky, A New Generation Draws the Line: Kosovo, East Timor and the Standards of the West (London: Verso, 2001), p. 11.
70. Nick Wood, "U.S. 'Covered Up' for Kosovo Ally," London Observer, Sept. 10, 2000; Norman Kempster, "Crisis in Yugoslavia, Rebel Force May Prove to be a Difficult Ally," Los Angeles Times, April 1, 1999; Diana Johnstone, "hawks and Eagles: 'Greater NATO' Flies to the Aid of 'Greater Albania'", Covert Action Quarterly, Spring/summer, 1999, p. 6-12.
71. Noam Chomsky, the New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1999).
72. Bin Laden cited in Wall Street Journal, Oct. 7, 2001.
73. Bush cited in "The President's Words," The Los Angeles Times, Sept. 22, 2001.
74. Bosch cited in Alexander Cockburn, "The Tribulations of Joe Doherty," Wall Street Journal, reprinted in the Congressional Record, Aug. 3, 1990, p. E2639.
75. Ibid; John Rice, "Man with CIA Links Accused of Plotting to Kill Castro," Associated Press, No. 18, 2000; Frances Robles and Glenn Garvin, "Four Held in Plot Against Castro," Miami Herald, Nov. 19, 2000; Jill Mullin, "The Burden of a Violent History," Miami New Times, April 20, 2000.
76. Joe Conason, "The Bush Pardons," http://archive.salon.com/news/col/cona/2001/02/27/pardons/.
77. Bosch cited in Cockburn.
78. Blum.
79. A limited field investigation documented 824 civilian deaths caused by the U.S.-led bombing campaign (www.globalexchange.org/countries/afghanistan/apogreport.pdf). A more comprehensive investigation based on press reports estimated that U.S. bombs killed between 3100 and 3600 Afghan civilians (Marc Herold, "U.S. bombing and Afghan civilian deaths: The official neglect of unworthy bodies," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Sept. 2002, pp. 626-634; also see: http://pubpages.unh.edu/~mwherold). Many more died because the bombing cut off relief supplies.
80. Seymour Hersh, "The Other War: Why Bush's Afghanistan problem won't go away," New Yorker, April 12, 2004.
81. Bush cited in Barry Horstmann, "We cannot wait for a mushroom cloud," Cincinnati Post, Oct. 8, 2002.
82. For a review of the manipulation of evidence, see Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber, Weapons of Mass Deception: The Uses of Propaganda in Bush's War on Iraq (JP Tarcher, July 2003). The broader purposes of the U.S. invasion of Iraq were advanced in a policy paper, Rebuilding America's Defenses, published by the Project for a New American Century in September 2000. PNAC members Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, and Richard Perle, became key members of the incoming Bush Administration and the paper became a blueprint for the administration's aggressive foreign policy. The authors declared: "The United States has for decades sought to play a more permanent role in Gulf regional security. While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification, the need for a substantial American force presence in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein." The paper can be found at: www.newamericancentury.org.
83. An Associated Press research team surveyed the records of 60 Iraqi hospitals (less than half the total number) and found unambiguous evidence of at least 3,240 war-related civilian deaths (Niko Price, "First Tally Puts Iraqi Civilian Deaths at 3240," Atlanta Journal-Constitution, June 10, 2003). A careful survey of press reports indicated that between 9,137 and 10,994 Iraqi civilians had been killed as of mid-May 2004 (www.iraqbodycount.net).
84. Unnamed senior Bush Administration official cited in "Pentagon Expects Long-Term Access to Key Iraq Bases," New York Times, April 20, 2003.
85. Pressure to convert Iraq into a base for U.S. troops presumably increased after it became clear that the U.S. military would have to leave Saudi Arabia (see David Rennie, "America to Withdraw Troops from Saudi Arabia," Telegraph, April 30, 2003). For a discussion of the strategic importance of oil reserves in Iraq and the rest of the Middle East, see Michael Klare, Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict (New York: Henry Holt, 2001).
86. Kareem Fahim, "Recalling Ahmed Chalabi," Village voice, April 9-15, 2003; John Cassidy, "Beneath the sand: Can a shattered country be rebuilt with oil?" New Yorker, July 14, 2003. Chalabi cited in "In Iraqi War Scenario, Oil is a Key Issue," Washington Post, Sept. 15, 2002. Although Chalabi continues to favor privatization of the oil industry, U.S. officials abandoned the idea of privatizatino in the oil sphere, at least for now, so as not to fan anti-American sentiments (Chip Cummins, "State-run oil company is being weighed for Iraq," Wall Street Journal, Jan. 7, 2004).
87. Powell cited in The Economist, April 5, 2003, For an analysis of the results of other instances of "regime change" initiated by the U.S., see William Blum, Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1995).
88. Sabrina Tavernise, "U.S. Tells Iraq Oil Ministers Not to Act Without Its OK," New York Times, April 30, 2003; "To the victor go the spoils in Iraq Reconstruction," Reuters, April 15, 2003; "The Oil Spoils," The Nation, June 16, 2003.
89. Edward Wong, "Direct Election of Iraq Assembly Pushed by Cleric," New York Times, Jan. 12, 2004; Steven Weisman, "Bush Team Revising Planning for Iraqi Self-Rule," New York times, Jan. 13, 2004. Bremer cited in Booth and Chandrasekaran, "Occupation Forces Halting Elections Throughout Iraq," Washington Post, June 28, 2003.
90. Seymour Hersh, "Torture at Abu Ghraib," New Yorker, May 10, 2004. Prisoners held by the U.S. military in Afghanistan and in Guantanamo, Cuba were treated in similar fashion, indicating systemic practices of torture and abuse approved at the highest levels (Seymour Hersh, "The Gray Zone," New Yorker, May 24, 2004.)
91. Ashcroft continued: "[W]e will help make that freedom permanent by assisting them to establish an equitable criminal justice system based on the rule of law and standards of basic human rights." One of the team selected by Ashcroft, Lane McCotter, had been forced to resign as director of Utah prisons after a prisoner abuse scandal. He was assigned to rehabilitate Hussein's infamous Abu Ghraib prison, which soon gained renewed notoriety in American hands (Fox Butterfield, "Mistreatment of Prisoners is Called Routine in U.S.," New York times, May 8, 2004).
92. Alex Gourevitch, "Exporting Censorship to Iraq," American Prospect, Oct. 1, 2003; Amnesty International, Iraq: One Year on the Human Rights Situation Remains dire (web.amnesty.org)
93. Bush cited in "U.S. Attributes Explosion at Iraqi Mosque to Bomb-Making Activity," New York Times, July 3. 2003.
94. BBC News, "Picture Emerges of Falluja Siege," April 23, 2004 (www.bbc.co.uk).
95. Unnamed American soldier quoted in David Rhode, "Search for Guns in Iraq and Surprise Under a Robe," New York times, June 3, 2003.
96. Thom Shanker, "Rumsfeld Doubles Estimate For Cost of Troops in Iraq; General Says U.S. Expects to Keep Force at 145,000 'For the Foreseeable Future,'" New York times, July 10, 2003. As of May 14, 2004, U.S. military casualties in Iraq since March 2003 had reached 782 dead and more than 4490 wounded; U.S. military deaths in Afghanistan since October 2001 had reached 119 (for updated numbers, see: www.antiwar.com).
97. Unnamed member of a group of CIA and Special Forces paramilitary operatives cited in Bob Woodward, Bush at War (new York: Simon and Schuster, 2002), p. 352.
98. For updated information on U.S. military contracts, see the Center for Defense Information's website: www.cdi.org.
99. Hartung.
100. Robert Bryce, "The Candidate from Brown & Root," The Austin Chronicle, Aug. 25, 2000.
101. Jane Mayer, "Contract Sport: What did the Vice-President do for Halliburton?" New Yorker, Feb. 16 & 23, 2004.
102. In 2000, Cheney left Halliburton to run for vice-president, but he retained $18 million in stock options and receives about 4150,000 a year in deferred compensation (Mayer).
103. Katherine Seelye, "Cheney's Five Draft Deferments during the Vietnam Era emerge as a Campaign Issue," New York Times, May 1, 2004; Jon Wiener, "Hard to Muzzle: The Return of Lynne Cheney," The Nation, Oct. 2, 2000.
104. Seymour Hersh, "Lunch with the Chairman: Why was Richard Perle Meeting with Adnan Khashoggi?" New Yorker, March 17, 2003, pp. 76-81.
105. See, for instance, a 1996 policy proposal entitled, "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm," penned by a group of neo-conservative strategists led by Perle for the Netanyahu government in Israel. The proposal can be seen at: www.israelieconomy.org/strat1.htm.
106. Robert Higgs, ed., Arms, Politics and the Economy (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1980), Preface, p. xiii.
107. The 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty had outlawed defensive missile systems. See Joshua Cohen, "An Interview with Ted Postol: What's Wrong With Missile Defense," Boston Review, Oct./Nov. 2001; David Sanger, "Washington's New Freedom and New Worries in the Post-ABM-Treaty Era," New York Times, Dec. 15, 2001.
108. Paul Richter, "Plan for new nukes clears major hurdle," Los Angeles times, May 10, 2003. For updated information on U.S. nuclear weapons policies see the Physicians for Social Responsibility website: www.psr.org.
109. R. Jeffrey Smith, "U.S. Urged to Cut 50% of A- Arms: Soviet Breakup Is Said to Allow Radical Shift in Strategic Targeting," Washington Post, Jan. 6, 1991, p. A1. Also see: Michael Gordon, "U.S. Nuclear Plan Sees New Weapons and New Targets," New York Times, March 10, 2002.
110. Judith Miller, "U.S. Seeks Changes in Germ War Pact," New York Times, Nov. 1, 2001; William Broad and Judith Miller, "U.S. Recently Produced Anthrax in a Highly Lethal Powder Form," New York Times, Dec. 13, 2001.
111. William Broad and Judith Miller, "Germs: Biological Weapons, and America's Secret War," (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001); William Blum.
112. Data are from the following years: The U.S., 2004; Japan, 2002; Russia and China, 2001. For updated information on U.S. and world military spending, see the Center for Defense Information website: http:/ /www.cdi.org.
113. Center for Defense Information, 2001-2002 Military Almanac, p. 35 (see www.cdi.org). For the 2003 and 2004 fiscal years, Congress approved special appropriations of $166 billion to finance the invasion and occupation of Iraq (David Firestone, "Bush Likely to Get Spending Request, Lawmakers Agree," New York Times, Sept. 9, 2003).
114. Center for Defense Information, www.cdi.org/issues/milspend.html
115. Michael Renner, National Security: The Economic and Environmental Dimensions (Washington, D.C.: World Watch Institute, 1989), p. 23.
116. The War Resisters League's annual analysis of total U.S. military expenditures can be found at: www. warresisters.org/piechart.htm.
117. The Wax Resisters League estimates that about 46% of federal tax revenues are used for military expenses (ibid.). Total 2000 Federal individual income tax revenues ($1,004,500,000,000) multiplied by 46%, divided by 104,705,000 households = $4,417 (www.census.gov/prod/2002pubs/01statab/fedgov.pdf, pp. 21 and 305).
118. Timothy Saasta, et al., America's Third Deficit: Too Little Investment in People and Infrastructure (Washington, D.C.: Center for Community Change,1991).
119. Jobs With Peace Campaign, Fact Sheet No.3 (Boston 1990).
120. Saasta; Institute for Policy Studies, Harvest of Shame: Ten Years of Conservative Misrule (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Policy Studies,
1991 ), p. 11; Jane Midgley, The Women's Budget, 3rd Edition (Philadelphia: Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 1989) p. 19.
121. Saasta; Midgley, p. 19.
122. Institute for Policy Studies, p. 11.
123. Midgley, p. 16; Pam Belluck, "New Wave of the Homeless Floods Cities' Shelters," New York Times, Dec. 18, 2001.
124. James Dao, "War Mutes Critics of Costly Carrier Groups," New York Times, November 11, 2001.
125. Prenatal care costs $625 per mother: Background Material and Data on Programs within the Jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means (Washington D.C.: U.S. Congress, 1990).
126. The Head Start program costs $2,600 per student annually: U.S. Congress.
127. Private clinics charge about $3,000 per year for intensive outpatient drug or alcohol treatment: Survey by author.
128. Citizens Budget Campaign, It's Our Budget, It's Our Future (Washington D.C.).
129. Dao, "War Mutes Critics of Costly Carrier Groups."
130. Keith Schneider, "Military Has New Strategic Goal in Cleanup of Vast Toxic Waste," New York Times, Aug. 15, 1991, p. A1; Matthew Wald, "U.S. Sharply Increases Cost Estimates for Cleaning Up Weapons Plants," New York Times, Sept. 6, 1991 ; H. Jack Geiger, "Generations of Poisons and Lies," New York Times, Aug. 5, 1990; INFACT, Bringing GE to Light (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1990) pp.117-121.
131. Greg Baisden and S. Destefano, " Pool of Tears," Real War Stories, No.2 (Forestville, CA: Eclipse, 1991), pp. 1-3.
132. Matthew Wald, "Study Says U.S. Chose Riskier Atomic Test Site," New York Times, May 17, 1991. The cited study predicted that 430,000 people would die by the end of the 20th century.
133. Schneider.
134. Ridge cited in Philip Shenon, "Ridge Warns That Iraq War Could Raise Terrorist Threat," New York Times, March 4, 2003.
135. Cheney cited in Davide E. Sanger, "Taking on Another War, Against Mixed Messages," New York Times, Sept. 4, 2001.
137. Cheney cited in Washington Post, Oct. 21, 2001.
138. For updated information on post 9-11 restrictions on civil liberties see the American Civil Liberties Union's website: www.aclu.org/safeandfree.
139. U.S. Dept. of Defense, Selected Manpower Statistics, p. 111.
140. Walter Capps, The Unfinished War: Vietnam and the American Conscience (Boston: Beacon: 1990), p. 1. Soldiers coming home from Iraq today suffer from the same kind of distress; for an account about one soldier, see Scott Calvert, "After Iraq, the guilt of killing tears a life apart," Baltimore Sun, Oct. 26, 2003.
141. The U.S. Government estimated 150,000 to 250,000 veterans are homeless on any given night (Jason Deparle, "Aid for Homeless Focuses on Veterans," New York Times, Nov. 11, 1991).
142. U.S. Dept. of Defense, Worldwide U. S. Active Duty Personnel Casualties (Washington, D.C., 1987), p. 5.
143. Parenti, p. 79.
144. Cotto cited in interview by Pete Hamill, New York Post, Feb. 2, 1991, pp. 2-3.
145. Hass cited in Walter Goodman, "How Bad is War? Depends on the Images," New York Times, Nov. 5, 1991.
146. Grossman cited in Allan Nairn, "When Casualties Don't Count," The Progressive, May 1991, p. 19.
147. For lists of the other corporate boards on which board members of major media corporations sit, see the Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) website: www.fair/org/media/interlocking-directors.html.
148. Wilson cited in INFACT, p. 97.
149. INFACT, pp. 11, 17, 28, 47-49, 107-110, 118.
150. Benjamin Compaine, et al., Who Owns the Media (White Plains, NY: Knowledge Industry, 1979), pp. 80, 84, 97.
151. Twain cited in Philip Foner, Mark Twain: Social Critic (New York: International, 1958), p. 260.
152. Zinn, p. 481.
153. Chicano Communications Center, 450 Years Of Chicano History (Albuquerque:, 1976), pp.160-I63
154. Zinn, p. 477.
155. David Cortright, "Soldiers In Revolt: The American Military Today (Garden City; NJ: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1975), pp. 5-8; Zinn p. 476.
156. Heinl cited in Thomas Boettcher, Vietnam: The Valor and the Sorrow (New York: Crown, 1985 ), p.399.
157. Cortright, pp. 1-32,51-136; Zinn, p. 486.
158. Johnson cited in R. Barnet, The Rocket's Red Glare: When America Goes to War (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1900), p. 346.
159. Bush cited in Newsweek, March 11, 1991, p. 30.
160. Bush cited in "Bush Foresees a War Longer Than Two Years," International Herald Tribune, October 18, 2001.
161. See, for instance, Maura Reynolds, "Most unconvinced on Iraq war," Los Angeles Times, Dec. 17, 2002.

Photo and Drawing Credits

Page 3: Artist unknown
Page 4, upper: J.E. Taylor, J. Karst
Page 4, lower: New York Historical Society
Page 6: U.S. Army Signal Corps
Page 7, upper: Mayol
Page 7, middle: U.S. National Archives
Page 7, lower: W.A. Rogers
Page 9, upper: Karen Glynn and Eddie Becker Archive
Page 9, lower: U.S. Government (Forward March)
Page 11: Yosuke Yamahata
Page 13: U.S. Department of Defense
Page 14: Ngo Vinh Long collection
Page 15, upper and lower: U.S. Dept. of Defense
Page 20: Mary Martin
Page 25, right: New York Times
Page 31: Amir Shah, Associated Press
Page 34: Muhammed Muheisen, Associated Press
Page 35: Associated Press
Page 36: Saurabh Das, Associated Press
Page 53: John Schreiber
Page 61: Harvey Richards, War Resisters League
Page 62, upper: Brian Shannon
Page 62, lower: John Gray
Page 64, upper: Bernard Edelman
Page 64, lower: Flax Hermes
Page 65: Steven Gross
Page 66, upper: Deirdre Griswold, International Action Center
Page 66, lower: Bill Hackwell

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