If Colin Powell were to visit the
shabby military compound at the foot of a large snow-covered mountain,
he might be in for an unpleasant surprise. The US Secretary of State
last week confidently described the compound in north-eastern Iraq --
run by an Islamic terrorist group Ansar al-Islam -- as a 'terrorist
chemicals and poisons factory.'
Yesterday, however, it emerged that the terrorist factory was nothing
of the kind -- more a dilapidated collection of concrete outbuildings at
the foot of a grassy sloping hill. Behind the barbed wire, and a
courtyard strewn with broken rocket parts, are a few empty concrete
houses. There is a bakery. There is no sign of chemical weapons anywhere
-- only the smell of paraffin and vegetable ghee used for cooking.
In the
kitchen, I discovered some chopped up tomatoes but not much else. The
cook had left his Kalashnikov propped neatly against the wall.
Ansar al Islam -- the Islamic group that uses the compound identified
by Powell as a military HQ to launch murderous attacks against secular
Kurdish opponents -- yesterday invited me and several other foreign
journalists into their territory for the first time.
'We are just a group of Muslims trying to do our duty,' Mohammad
Hasan, spokesman for Ansar al-Islam, explained. 'We don't have any drugs
for our fighters. We don't even have any aspirin. How can we produce any
chemicals or weapons of mass destruction?' he asked.
The radical terrorist group controls a tiny mountainous chunk of
Kurdistan, the self-rule enclave of northern Iraq. Over the past year
Ansar's fighters have been at war with the Kurdish secular parties who
control the rest of the area. Every afternoon both sides mortar each
other across a dazzling landscape of mountain and shimmering green
pasture. Until last week this was an obscure and parochial conflict.
But last Wednesday Powell suggested that the 500-strong band of Ansar
fighters had links with both al-Qaeda and Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.
They were, he hinted, a global menace -- and more than that they were
the elusive link between Osama bin Laden and Iraq.
This is clearly little more than cheap hyperbole. Yesterday Hassan
took the unprecedented step of inviting journalists into what was
previously forbidden territory in an almost certainly doomed attempt to
prevent an American missile strike once the war with Iraq kicks off. Ali
Bapir, a warlord in the neighbouring town of Khormal, lent us several
fighters armed with machine guns and we set off.
We drove past an Ansar checkpoint, marked with a black flag and the
Islamic militia's logo -- the Koran, a sheaf of wheat and a sword. We
kept going. The landscape was littered with the ruins of demolished
houses, destroyed during Saddam's infamous Anfal campaign against the
Kurds in 1988. At the corner of the valley we passed a pink mosque, with
sandbagging on the roof. Washing hung from a courtyard. A group of Ansar
fighters -- in green military fatigues -- smiled and waved us on.
Several of their comrades were in the graveyard across the road.
There were numerous fresh plots, each marked with a black flag. After 20
minutes' drive along a twisting mountain track we arrived in Serget --
the village identified from space by American satellite as a haven of
terrorist activity.
Yesterday, however, Hassan was at pains to deny any link with
al-Qaeda. 'All we are trying to do is fulfil the prophet's goals,' he
said. 'Read the Koran and you'll understand.'
Senior officials from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan -- the party
with which Ansar is at war -- insist that the Islamic guerrillas based
in the village have been experimenting with poisons. They have smeared a
crude form of cyanide on door handles. They had even tried it out on
several farm animals, including sheep and donkeys, they claim. The
guerrillas have also managed to construct a 1.5 kg 'chemical' bomb
designed to explode and kill anyone within a 50-metre radius, Kurdish
intelligence sources say.
Hassan yesterday dismissed all these allegations as 'lies'. 'We don't
have any chemical weapons. As you can see this is an isolated place,'
Ayub Khadir, another fighter, with a bushy pirate beard and blue turban,
said. And yet, despite the fact there appeared to be no evidence of
chemical experimentation, Ansar's complex was lavish for an organisation
that purports to be made up merely of simple Muslims. Concealed in a
concrete bunker, we discovered a sophisticated television studio,
complete with cameras, editing equipment and a scanner.
In a neighbouring room were several computers, beneath shelves full
of videotapes. A banner written in Arabic proclaims: 'Those who believe
in Islam will be rewarded.'
Until recently Ansar had its own website where the faithful could log
on to footage of Ansar guerrillas in battle. In small concrete bunkers
the fighters operated their own radio station, Radio Jihad. The
announcer had clearly been sitting on an empty box of explosives. Hassan
denied yesterday that his revolutionary group received any funding from
Baghdad or from Iran, a short hike away over the mountains.
'If Colin Powell were to come here he would see that we have nothing
to hide,' he said. But Ansar's sources of funding remain mysterious --
and their real purpose tantalisingly unclear. 'All Ansar fighters are
from Iraq,' Hassan said. 'Iraq is one of the richest countries in the
world. Our fighters have brought their own things with them.'
But while they appear to pose no real threat to Washington or London,
Ansar's fighters are a brutal bunch. They have so far killed more than
800 opposition Kurdish fighters. They have shot dead several civilians.
They have even tried -- last April -- to assassinate the Prime Minister
of the neighbouring town of Sulamaniyah, the mild-mannered Dr Barham
Salih. The plot went wrong and two of the assassins were shot dead. A
third is in prison. 'We are fed up with them. We wish they would go
away,' one villager, who refused to be named, said.
The militia's weapons had been inherited, captured from their enemies
or bought from smugglers, Hassan said. Kurdish intelligence sources
insist that there is 'solid and tangible proof' linking Ansar both to
Iraqi intelligence agents and to al-Qaeda. They say that a group of
fighters visited Afghanistan twice before the fall of the Taliban and
met Abu Hafs, one of bin Laden's key lieutenants.
Hassan yesterday refused to say how many fighters were holed up in
the three villages and one mountain valley under Ansar's control ('It's
a military secret,' he said) and claimed -- implausibly -- that none of
his men were Arab volunteers come to fight jihad in Iraq.